![]() ![]() Using critiques of community-policing theory as a framework, the Article then shows how school policing creates harms separate from and antecedent to the school-to-prison pipeline. After demonstrating that the evidence surrounding the safety benefits of school police is weak, it explores how the rise of school policing is likely equally attributable to non-safety factors. This Article shifts the scholarly analysis from how officers police schools to whether they should be there at all. They focus on how school policing criminalizes developmentally typical misbehavior and pushes students of color and students with disabilities into courts, jails, and prisons, creating a “school-to-prison pipeline.” They propose regulatory fixes aimed at ameliorating the harms of the pipeline. Critics of school policing question whether police make students safer than they would otherwise be. This sharp growth in school policing has generated a substantial body of critical scholarship. Amidst fears about juvenile crime in general and school shootings in particular, the decade between 19 saw an especially sharp rise in hiring. While fewer than one hundred police officers worked full-time in schools in 1970, today that number has risen to between 20,000 and 30,000 officers patrolling the nation’s elementary, middle, and high schools. Over the last two decades, police officers have become permanent fixtures in public schools. Third, it puts grassroots movements against school policing in conversation with the prison abolitionist project and argues that insights from both should inform school-safety policymaking. Second, using critiques of community policing as an analytical framework, it illuminates a range of school-governance and pedagogical harms from school policing that exist separate from and antecedent to policing’s role in fueling the school-to-prison pipeline. ![]() First, it shifts the focus away from the safety debates that preoccupy scholars and policymakers, arguing that financial incentives for schools, security-theater concerns for administrators, and legitimacy-building interests of law enforcement equally explain school policing’s rise. In so doing, it makes three primary contributions to school-policing scholarship. This Article takes up that question, and it argues that education policymakers should consider removal-rather than only regulation- of school police. Thus far, however, legal scholars have focused primarily on the “how” of school policing, eschewing the logically prior normative question of whether there should be police in schools at all. These include changes to the standards for evaluating students’ claims of constitutional rights violations, specialized police trainings, and voluntary agreements between law enforcement agencies and school districts that circumscribe the role of school police. In suggesting remedies for this problem, commentators have proposed several regulatory fixes. They argue that any safety benefits must be weighed against the significant role the police play in perpetuating a school-to-prison pipeline that funnels Black and Brown students and students with disabilities out of schools and into courts, jails, and prisons. Critics question whether police make students safer. The sharp increase in the number of school police officers over the last twenty years has generated a substantial body of critical legal scholarship. Police officers have become permanent fixtures in public schools.
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